Suchergebnisse

Pragmatist faith in deliberative democracy -- Beyond pragmatist secularism, relativism, and narcissism -- Pragmatist truth claims -- The persistence of religious resentment -- The public sphere as utopia -- Religion in Habermas's public hermeneutics -- Ricoeur's hermeneutics of utopia -- Shattering dominant ideologies -- Applying Arendt's vita activa to religion -- Intersubjective plurality in the vita activa -- Arendt's religion -- After Arendt -- Comparative political theology of sovereignty -- Towards comparative political theology -- Scholem's messianism -- Qutb's hakimayyah -- Suspending theocracy -- Religion in deliberative democratic systems theory -- New developments in DDST -- Precluding religion in DDST -- Religion in deliberative systems -- Conclusion -- Epilogue : Bonhoeffer's anti-Judaism.

"Religion after Deliberative Democracy responds to gaps exposed by the case of religion in deliberative democratic theory. Religion's persistent visibility in political life has called for new solutions for healing deeply divided societies. In response, the author begins with Jeffrey Stout's pragmatist vision of democracy before providing a series of supplements in subsequent chapters. Past legacies are refigured in a rapprochement with Jürgen Habermas's work which is differentiated from the distinctive relevance of Hannah Arendt's Vita Activa. New developments in comparative political theology are complemented by recent systems theory approaches to institutional interactions. Peaceful protest movements are reframed in light of the trust-building capacities of minipublics. The result is reason for renewed confidence in democratic practices attuned to fostering political plurality and capable of responding to persistent religious partisanship. This book fills a crucial space in the literature on religion and democracy and will be of interest to students and scholars of philosophy of religion, theology, pragmatism, and political theory"--

In 1885, John Alexander Macdonald took the right to vote away from men racialized as Chinese on the grounds that they were biologically different from "Canadians" and that their presence threatened "the Aryan character" of Canadian society. Through the 1885 Electoral Franchise Act, Macdonald was seeking to consolidate colonial expansion into the west by constituting the federal polity around the owners of private property, i.e., of land that had been converted from the collective control of Indigenous people. As elsewhere in the world, European colonialism in Canada involved taking control of Indigenous people's territories and converting it to the private ownership of European colonizers. Making ownership of property the key to membership in the federal polity explains Macdonald's initial support for giving the vote to women. It also explains why his legislation gave the vote to Indigenous people who met the property qualification. For Macdonald, ownership of private property was the final proof of an individual's acculturation to colonial dominance. Property-owners from China, by contrast, threatened European dominance in British Columbia. Basing exclusion on alleged biological difference made it inescapable and permanent. The 1885 Act was thus a key moment in forming the racist state in Canada. Indeed, the strong opposition to Macdonald's introduction of biological racism, including in the Canadian Senate on the part of his own appointees, underscores the significance of this change, one that would have consequences for racialized and excluded groups for many years to come